───────────

　　   (35) Ibid, p.22, note 63.

P 469
LXXII was promulgated after the First council.

The Cullavagga XI account of the minor rules, however, really belongs to a very early period. It has been mentioned in all the Vinaya versions, and therefore surely goes back to the time of the undivided Buddhist community. And this genuinely old tradition of the minor rules according to Poussin cannot be reconciled with the tradition of chanting the Vinaya, for while the former shows that the disciplinary rules at the time of the death of the Buddha were very far from being fixed, the latter speaks of the rules being officially fixed during the First Council. This contradiction shows that the account of the chanting is a later fabrication. Poussin further thinks that this episode also shows a clash between the liberal and orthodox forces.(36)

Criticism of Poussin's view

We have seen that one of the reasons for which Poussin considers the chanting to be a legend is that the initial part of the account of the CV XI leaves out many necessary details and so appears to be disconnected and abrupt. This objection of Poussin is not tenable when we comprehend the true nature of this part of the Cullavagga account. Here we are actually dealing with an introduction to the Krtya of chanting the dharma and vinaya. An official act performed by the Samgha, that is a krtya, must be accompanied by informations regarding vatthu, nidana and puggala. The initial portion of the Cullavagga XI provides us with necessary informations on these points. It tells us about the business the monks are to perform (vatthu) , the place where the chanting is to take place (nidana) and the persons selected for the chanting (puggala). As all these relevant details are contained in this portion of the Cullavagga XI account, it cannot be regarded as disconnected and abrupt. The introductory part of the Cullavagga account has even indirectly mentioned the story of Subhadda as the cause of the chanting. Though this piece of information was not legally necessary for the krtya, it was naturally recorded as it was so closely connected with the proposal of chanting. This also seems to be an authentic piece of tradition as it not only finds mention not only in the different Sthavira accounts

　　   ───────────

　　   (36) Ibid, p.25.

P 470
but also in the Mahasamghika Vinaya. The other details to which Poussin drew our attention while summarising the Cullavagga account are so superfluous from the legal point of view of the Buddist Samgha and so far removed from the account of the chanting that they were quite naturally ignored in the Vinaya accounts. It is absolutely superfluous to introduce the introduction containing the legally necessary informations concerning the krtya, and the recording of these details would be unnecessary even for introducing the introduction. Thus the non-mention of these details does not in the least affect the authenticity of the Cullavagga account.

It is also not correct to maintain that the two episodes of Channa and Ananda prove the imposition of different punishments where uniformity was expected. From the MPS and CV accounts it is clear that Channa has not actually committed any offence. He was known to be of passionate and violent nature, and the brahmadanda was imposed on him not as a punishment for some offence already done, but as a preventive measure. It was imposed to prevent the arising of a situation that may provoke Channa to act violently to others. The narration in the Cullavagga does not show that due to his attainment of 'arhatva' Channa is getting absolved from any offence committed by him in the past. Ananda, on the other hand, has actually done something which was wrong in the opinion of the Samgha, and must be met with disciplinary action. Thus the cases of Channa and Ananda represent two different legal problems, and the Cullavagga is, therefore, justified in recording two different types of actions being taken against them. This account of the Cullavagga cannot be interpreted as showing the existence of two different concepts of arhat followed by the orthodox and non-orthodox monks. Moreover the contention that an arhat cannot be subjected to any disciplinary action does not stand to reason. The term ‘arhat' simply stands for a spiritual concept. Arhat is an enlightened person who has attained freedom from ignorance, passions and rebirth. But he is liable to commit mistake about anything which is not integral to the enlightened state of an arhat. In the Cullavagga XI itself we have passages which confirm our characterisation of an arhat. Here we read the Ananda(37) became free from passions (asrava) when he

　　   ───────────

　　   (37) CV XI. 6; T. 22, p. 190c 16ff; (T.22),